President
Bush Press Conference
THE
WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Rome, Italy)
For
Immediate Release July 23, 2001
PRESS
CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT BUSH
AND ITALIAN PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI
Villa Dona Pamphilj
Rome, Italy
2:52 P.M. (Local)
2:52 P.M.
(Local)
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI: Good afternoon, everyone. I am very happy
to extend my welcome to President Bush during his first visit to Rome.
It's as a friend that I receive him in a free country, a democratic
country, that has always been a friend of the United States of America,
which, with the United States of America, has had for over 50 years
a very special cooperation based on the feelings of the Atlantic Alliance,
the European Union.
Our country is a country that looks to the United States of America
with a recognition that must be steadfast. A recognition that derived
from a very profound feeling, Mr. President, of those who are aware
of the fact that precisely, thanks to your country, to your great democracy,
to the young lives that Americans sacrificed in Italian territory over
50 years ago, Italy ended a very dark moment, where totalitarianism
had got rid of freedom.
And thanks to the sacrifice of the United States and its allies, we
were able to reach democracy, freedom, and we had a period of over half
a century in freedom, democracy and in prosperity.
Therefore, with the feelings of a very great friend, where we recognize
the feelings that are at the basis of the American feelings, with the
same values that are the basis of your political action, that we receive
you, Mr. President. And we, as we know in Genoa, have spent very special
moments in Genoa, moments that I will always remember with great pleasure.
And I must tell you that in Genoa, I admired the way that you opened
up towards others. I have to tell you that you conquered American journalists.
You conquered everyone, because you were so spontaneous, so natural.
It was such a frank way to say things, because yes is yes, no is no.
In politics, we weren't used to seeing all this, and we were always
beating around the bush and we were taking things from the left or the
right, up, down and so on. With President Bush, everything is simple.
And at the very end, all the other leaders truly appreciated the manner
in which you were pragmatic, you were concrete, and that is how you
faced all of the problems.
And I also must add, and here I will end, I who have already directed
a G8 in Naples seven years ago, found a new atmosphere, a more positive
atmosphere, with a greater closeness amongst leaders. And I made this
reflection; I said, it is almost a miracle today, at the beginning of
a new century, at the beginning of a new millennium, that having around
a table, people looking at each other in their eyes, with faith and
with friendship. We have the Prime Minister of Japan, the President
of the United States of America, the Prime Minister of Germany and the
Presidents of England, France and Italy, and again, the United States
President and the President of the Russian Federation.
Only 13 years ago, the world was divided in two. There were two ideologies,
a wall in the middle. And we thought that planned and collective economies
could be a competitive economy against our system of free markets and
free enterprise. How the world has changed.
And, therefore, I have to tell you that as a citizen, an anybody, I
must say that from Genoa, from the talks with President Bush and the
other leaders, just by the way you had these relationships with the
other leaders in such a frank and open way, we have greater hope. The
world today is much more safe than it was a few years ago. And we can
truly build, construct for our peoples, but for other peoples, as well,
calling them within the virtuous cycle of trade, of exchanges, as friends,
with faith, with confidence. We can definitely build a better world.
And thanks to the history of this -- and in this specific instance,
I must say thank you to President Bush.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much. Perhaps the
interpreter got it wrong when she says that my performance at the G8
conquered the American press. (Laughter.) If so, I would expect their
stories to reflect it from now on. But one thing is for certain: on
this, my first trip as President to Italy, I've really enjoyed myself.
I can see why so many Americans choose Italy as a place to visit --
its fantastic history, beautiful buildings and monuments, and wonderful
people.
Mr. Prime Minister, I appreciate your leadership, as well. We share
an entrepreneurial spirit. We understand the role of the entrepreneur
in our societies. After all, this good man came from humble beginnings
to not only build a business enterprise that employs thousands of people,
but also had the courage to seek political office. And I firmly believe
the people of Italy will be well off with my friend as their leader.
And I've got some experience to say that, because I saw him at the G8.
We had meetings where there was nobody else in the room except the leaders
of the industrialized world. We had good and honest discussions. But
the Prime Minister was a pro, an expert at encouraging dialogue and
expressing his opinion.
I want to thank the people of Genoa again for the sacrifices they made.
I want to thank the law enforcement officials for providing security.
I appreciate the Prime Minister and his government for making available
the opportunity for those of us who lead our respective nations to come
together and have a good, frank dialogue; to talk about ways to improve
relations amongst ourselves, as well as ways to help those nations not
as fortunate as we are.
You deserve a lot of credit, Mr. Prime Minister.
Secondly, we've had good discussions today about our bilateral relations.
We've got great trade between our nations and we work together to make
sure that trade continues. We've got good military cooperation between
our respective lands and we'll continue to do so. I reconfirmed to the
Prime Minister that which I said in NATO, that America came into the
Balkans with our friends, and we will leave with our friends. And I
appreciate so very much the Italian leadership in the Balkans, not only
the general who led our troops at one point in time, but as well the
troops that are still there. Our two nations comprise a large part of
the force in keeping the peace.
I also want to say something about the development in Indonesia. The
people of Indonesia, by addressing their leadership crisis under their
Constitution and laws, have shown commitment to the rule of law and
democracy. We hope all parties will work together to maintain peace,
support the Constitution and promote national reconciliation.
We appreciate President Wahid's work the last two years in leading Indonesia
through its democratic transition. We look forward to working with President
Megawati and her team, to address Indonesia's challenges of economic
reform, peaceful resolution of separatist challenges, and maintaining
territorial integrity.
Mr. Prime Minister, once again, thank you for your friendship, and thank
you for the friendship of the Italian people with the American people.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI: Thank you. There were agreements, and we
drew the journalists that are going to ask the questions.
Q Mr. President, was it a surprise for you to hear today from the Holy
Father on his declarations on manipulations on embryos? And how do you
intend to take it into consideration as you examine the decision about
federal funds to research, especially in view of what you've said before
regarding your decision?
And to Prime Minister Berlusconi, the relationship between Italy and
the United States, does it go through Europe, or on what topics do you
believe that Italy has a privileged and specific role? Because the communique
was not very precise on this.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We have the two-question strategy. (Laughter.) A person
is allowed to ask one question, but they manage to convert it to two.
I suspect that may be the case with some of the American press, as well.
First, let me say how honored I was to be able to be in the presence
of the Holy Father. It was a moment I was looking forward to because
of his profound impact on the world. He's an extraordinary man who is,
by virtue of his leadership and his conscience and his presence, has
not only affected political systems, but affected the hearts and souls
of thousands of people all around the world. And it's hard to describe
-- I'm not poetic enough to describe what it's like to be in his presence.
Nor was I surprised to hear his strong, consistent message of life.
It's been his message ever since he's been the Holy Father. He's never
deviated. He sent a consistent word throughout the Church and throughout
society that we ought to take into account the preciousness of life.
I hear that message from his cardinals and bishops throughout our country.
One of the things about the Catholic Church that I admire, it's a church
that stands on consistent and solid principle. And of course, I'll take
that point of view into consideration as I make up my mind on a very
difficult issue confronting the United States of America. It's the need
to balance value and respect for life with the promise of science, and
the hope of saving life.
And so I will go back home, after what has been a very successful trip,
continue to listen to points of view, and make up my mind when I'm ready
to. And when I do I'll make the case to the American people.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI: As far as the question that was asked, I
think that the statement comprises all of the sectors where we all have
the same views, and therefore, we have the same political identity that
derives from the same values, from the same way of looking at things
and the events in the world. I think that this is the basis of a cooperation
that can be a very tight one, indeed.
As far as the European Union, we know that the European Union wants
to have a task force that will cooperate and work with NATO. It asks
NATO to provide the elements that the task force in the beginning would
not have on its own, but, again, with cooperation and working with NATO.
And I do believe that this is something positive, because it would not
be logical, it would not be possible to continue, for NATO to come in,
intervene on its own in all of those situations that arise in the world
in order to make sure that they go in to take care of those wounds that
become chronic ulcers.
Therefore, I think that it's fair that if Europe wants to become politically
strong, that wants to express itself with a single voice, I was saying
it should have its own military force. However, I believe that this
military force must be fully synchronized with the NATO forces. And
it might be able to intervene by itself with preventative agreements
with NATO, so that NATO does not have to face every single situation
in the world.
As far as the United States, it's a very intense trade relationship
in both directions. Last week, we signed an agreement for a greater
cooperation in technological and scientific research. I believe that
this can be useful even in difficult situations, like the situations
of the factors that increase the temperature on the planet. I think
that every single topic, every single situation should go back to the
fundamental agreement that is borne from the historic reasons that I
mentioned, and which consolidates itself due to the fact that we have
a common basis of values and principles, and today, also due to the
human liking and the sympathy that we have that has developed between
the President of the Italian government and the President of the United
States.
PRESIDENT BUSH: This man is from NBC, Mr. Prime Minister, NBC.
Q Mr. President, I'd like to return to the issue of your decision regarding
stem cell research. I was struck by the fact that the Pope specifically
condemned the creation of embryonic stem cells for the purpose of research,
when, in fact, one central element of what you're grappling with is
the research on existing stem cells. Can you elaborate on what you two
discussed in that regard? Are there areas that you're considering that
he did not address? And I'm not asking you to provide us with what you're
going to do, but can you at least share with us what options are out
there, what compromises you might be looking at?
THE PRESIDENT: David, I think it's important for the American people
to know that I take this issue very seriously, because it is an issue
that, on the one hand, deals with so much hope, hope that perhaps through
research and development we'll be able to save lives. It's also an issue
that has got serious moral implications. And our nation must think carefully
before we proceed. And, therefore, my process has been, frankly, unusually
deliberative for my administration. I'm taking my time.
I, frankly, do not care what the political polls say. I do care about
the opinions of people, particularly someone as profound as the Holy
Father. But I will tell you that the first time the subject came up
was when he read his statement at the palace, at his summer palace.
And my discussions with the Holy Father were more about foreign policy.
He was interested in my view of the world, and my discussions with President
Putin, for example. He was most interested in what went on at Genoa.
And so his statement was very consistent, a consistent part of the philosophy
that the Catholic Church has embraced. But that's the only time it came
up, Dave.
Q -- options --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I'm thinking about all options, but I'm thinking
about them privately. In all due respect to a great -- one of several
great news organizations, I'd rather not be expressing -- laying my
options out on the air, because I have yet to reach a conclusion. And
when I do, I will lay it out -- I don't know if you'll be first, but
I'll lay it out to the American people.
And the American people will know that this decision has been made in
all due deliberations, with sound deliberations, that it's an important
decision. And I think people understand that it is that way. And it's
important for America to fully understand the ramifications. And time
has helped people understand the complexities of the issue. And when
I get back, I will continue my deliberations. And when I'm ready, I
will lay out my decision.
Q Mr. President, yesterday there was a step ahead made in the relations
between Russia and the United States for the defense of missile systems.
Don't you think that the United States and President Bush perhaps need
a better -- a more explicit support from its European allies in this
type of dialogue? Are you willing to do this, as opposed to other European
countries? It's been talked for about $60 billion to $100 billion of
investment for the strategic missile defense. Will you share some of
that money with European companies, in investments in technology, and
especially with some of the Italian companies -- they're very advanced
in that. Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We did have a major discussion about how best to keep
the peace. I was really pleased with the conversation I had with President
Putin. It was the second such conversation I had and we're making good
progress toward understanding. And the understanding is that the Cold
War is over; Russia is not the enemy of the United States; and that
freedom-loving people should address the true threats of the 21st century.
And those threats are, amongst other things, the ability of a rogue
nation to have a weapons of mass destruction, which could affect the
United States or Italy or Russia or anybody else who embraces freedom.
And it seems to me that we must do the research and development necessary;
research and development prohibited by the current treaty that codifies
the old Cold War mentality of distrust. And we have yet to do that.
We have yet to fully explore the opportunities and options available
to not only the United States, but our allies, as to how to keep the
peace.
So it's premature for me to answer not only how much the systems will
cost, but who will participate. I will tell you this: The spirit of
collaboration and cooperation should indicate to our friends and allies
that we're more than willing to cooperate. We've discussed the issue.
And I'm so much thankful to my friend for being supportive and forward-leaning
when others have been skeptical.
And in the appropriate time, when we figure out the best way to address
the true threats -- which is the ability to intercept twos -- launches
of twos or threes that could hold us hostage and affect all our foreign
policies -- then we will work on the development. And the development
of the systems may very well entail cooperation with our friends and
allies. I'm very open-minded on the subject.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI: As President Bush has just mentioned, in
Brussels, during the NATO meeting, I spoke and then I spoke at Gottenburg
during the dinner that we shared. And I said that I was in agreement
with what President Bush had said very clearly. The world has changed.
There is no antagonism between Europe and the United States, on the
one hand, and the Soviet Union on the other hand. The Soviet Union is
something different.
And we're very interested as Europeans with the support of the United
States; we look to a progressive journey of the Russian Federation.
Maybe tomorrow, the day after the Russian Federation might even become
part of the European Federation, where we have countries that share
a common Christian civilization. And I believe that in the future we
will also be able to speak of a Russian Federation that becomes part
of the Atlantic Alliance.
Our enemies are elsewhere. Potentially, our enemies are elsewhere. Of
course, we know that we will need some time before certain countries
that do not give us full confidence will be able to build strategic
weapons with a range that allows them to go to far-off places like the
United States. But, undoubtedly, the situation is worrisome, and I believe
that it would be logical to preserve the security of Europe and the
United States, making sure that we keep an eye on these potentialities,
on these dangers.
I think that President Bush was extremely clear when he said that these
topics the United States is willing to talk about with the European
allies. On our side, I think that this is something that must be done.
We have said this. We will always be next to the United States in order
to take part in this discussion, going well beyond the attitudes of
certain European states, which still, today, have not, in my opinion,
understood how the world has changed, and how we should start worrying
about the future.
Q Mr. President, if I could follow up on missile defense. It seems there
was a little bit of ambiguity about what happened yesterday. Does the
agreement that you reached with President Putin yesterday commit your
administration to slowing down, or in any way delaying the development
of missile technologies and the withdrawing from the ABM Treaty until
after the two nations have reached an agreement about both offensive
and defensive systems? Or will you just continue to develop these technologies,
and withdraw from the treaty when you see fit?
And Mr. Prime Minister, if I could just follow up, how important is
an agreement, a formal agreement between Russia and the United States
on these matters to Europe-wide support of the U.S. developing these
technologies?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Since it's your country, I'll give you the last world.
I have told President Putin that time matters; that I want to reach
an accord sooner, rather than later; that I'm interested in getting
something done with him. That's my first priority. The American people,
our friends and allies, and others should take me for my word when I
said in the campaign, and since being the President, that I will consult
with our friends and allies, that I will work with Russia.
But make no mistake about it, I think it's important to move beyond
the ABM Treaty. I would rather others come with us, but I feel so strongly
and passionately on the subject about how to keep the peace in the 21st
century, that we'll move beyond, if need be.
But first things first, Terry, and that is to give President Putin and
our friends and allies ample time to discuss, consider and understand
what I'm trying to say. My friend has been quick to grasp the notion
about changing the security arrangements in the world. But others who
have said that mutually-assured destruction will keep the peace in the
future -- it's worked in the past, therefore it should be around in
the future -- need some time to understand the full implications about
which we're discussing. And I understand that -- particularly President
Putin. His nation has been bound by the treaty. It's a treaty, of course,
that -- from which either party can withdraw with ample notice. And
I can understand why he wants time. And I'm going to give him some time.
But I also want to emphasize to you that time is of the essence. It
is time to move beyond. It is time to begin the research and development,
which we have yet to do -- the research and development, constrained
by the ABM Treaty, to determine that which is feasible.
And it's important to do so, for a couple of reasons. One, it's important
to discard the old Cold War mentality. And I explained that to President
Putin, and I believe he understands that America is no longer Russia's
enemy; that we have a chance to fashion a new strategic framework beyond
just missile defenses. A strategic framework that says we'll reduce
our own offensive weapons. A strategic framework that says we'll cooperate
on security matters, particularly as it relates to terrorist activities.
A security relationship where we'll work for safer nuclear storage and
safer nuclear energy. It is a different framework, a different frame
of mind that I truly believe will make the world a more peaceful place.
And since I feel it so strongly, if we can't reach an agreement, we're
going to implement. It's the right thing to do. It's what I told the
American people we're going to do. It's what I've explained to our allies
we're going to do.
But I believe we've got a great opportunity to welcome others into the
strategic framework. You saw the President yesterday. I thought he was
very forward-leaning, as they say in diplomatic nuanced circles. We
signed an agreement. That should say something about the intentions
and about how far we've progressed on this issue.
Mr. Prime Minister.
PRIME MINISTER BERLUSCONI: I have to confirm the judgment on the President
on this. And I can also bear witness to the fact that during the G8
Summit, we spoke about this topic. In fact, in a bilateral meeting,
I met President Putin and, with the invitation of the other allies,
I, in fact, spoke about the problem of the atomic potential in his country.
I began expressing the preoccupation of the Western world vis-a-vis
the nuclear stations in Russia, because here we're talking about the
maintenance of the old ones and the building codes for new nuclear stations.
President Putin said that he would face this very openly. He spoke to
us about their plans for these places. And he also said that he will
continue to cooperate with Western technicians as far as the building
codes of the new plants. And after that we spoke, and I must say that
I spoke to him directly on the atomic potential. But here I would like
to digress. We also have to understand the physiological aspect for
the President and for his people.
They come from a past. They were a world power. They had a very strong
fall as far as their economy was concerned. Their global revenue is
well below the other countries of the G7, but they still have that old
pride. And above all, they have that atomic stockpile that is still
an extraordinary one; it's huge. Therefore, we must be very tactful.
We must take the entire situation into account, the psychological and
actual situation. We must proceed with patience on a road which is the
one expressed by President Bush that cannot be hurried on. But the reactions
that we saw from President Putin make us believe that we will be able
to cooperate. And I think that we're on the right path in order to reach
an agreement that would obviously imply certain modifications in the
existing treaty. And I believe that this can all be done without unilateral
measures.
On the other hand, President Bush also confirmed the will of the United
States of America to talk with the allies, to not do anything without
having a discussion with the allies first. So I believe that this is
an issue that has been well-placed and is on the right path.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you.
END
3:25 P.M. (Local).
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